Abstract

Nationwide Newspaper Coverage of Gun Control Since Columbine:
A Community Structure Approach

After the attempted assassination of President Reagan, a modern debate surfaced on whether there was a need for further gun control laws. While many bills bogged down in Congress, the debate was losing steam until school shootings at places such as Columbine, Jonesboro, and the shooting of six-year-old Kayla Rolland. While the topic of gun control is so heated as to spark the Million Mom March on Washington, database searches reveal little research attempting to examine gun control as a communication issue. While most studies analyze the impact of media on society, this study does the exact opposite. This investigation explores the effect of society on the media by linking city characteristics to content analysis of newspaper coverage of gun control.

This study illustrates the way newspapers from cities across the Unites State vary in their coverage of gun control legislation. The community structure approach, initiated in Minnesota by Tichenor, Donohue, and Olien (1973, 1980), and developed into multi-variate nationwide studies by Pollock and others (1977, 1978, 1994-2001), proposes that certain demographic characteristics of communities (such as cities) are linked to the newspaper reporting on critical issues, in this case, gun control.

A nationwide sample of 21 newspapers was selected from the DIALOG newspaper database. All articles over 300 words printed on gun control legislation were chosen from January 1999-November 2000. The search yielded 420 articles that were analyzed using a special method of content analysis combining both "attention scores" and the "direction" of each article. The attention score was based upon the placement, headline size, article length, and the presence of graphics. Article direction was coded as favorable, unfavorable, or balanced/neutral toward the issue of gun control. These two scores were combined mathematically to yield a Janis-Fadner Coefficient of Imbalance. The coefficients of imbalance ranged from .500 - -.058, demonstrating substantial differences in coverage across the nation.

Pearson Correlations were calculated to measure any links between city characteristics and coverage of gun control legislation, yielding nine significant findings in three different categories. The "stakeholder" cluster yielded one significant finding with percent hunting or shooting frequently linked to negative coverage of gun control (r= -.374; p= .047). Three such findings can be clustered into the "violated buffer" hypotheses, linked to favorable coverage of gun control: percent college four or more years (r= .399; p= .037), percent professional technical workers (r= .388; p= .041), and percent with income over $100,000 (r= .519; p= .008). The most significant finding came from the "life cycle position" cluster, liked to unfavorable coverage of gun control: percent of single parents (r= -.538; p= .006), households with children ages 8-10 (r= -.505; p= .010), 11-12 (r= -.512; p= .009), 13-15 (r= -.552; p= .005), and finally, the most significant finding for the entire paper: households with children ages 16-18 (r= -.681; p= .000). Since family size and single parenthood correlate strongly with poverty levels, a "vigilante" hypothesis is forwarded, suggesting that those who are by several definitions most vulnerable and lacking in resources or protection may regard gun ownership as an essential component of self reliance.